DRC/Rwanda

UN says Rwanda is supporting Nkunda rebels

Article published on the 2008-12-15 Latest update 2008-12-16 09:38 TU

FARDC army soldiers stand guard at the front line with CNDP forces north of Goma, DRC on December 10
(Credit: Reuters)

A 130-page United Nations report published gives concrete evidence that Rwanda supports Laurent Nkunda's rebels in the eastern part of the DRCongo, and that the DRC army has also been collaborating with Hutu rebels. The UN investigators conducted eight months of field work, including gathering eyewitness testimony in local communities, spoke to former combatants and obtained telephone records.

On Saturday, the Rwandan government denied the report's charges that Kigali supported the rebels in the eastern Congo.

The report says that Rwanda supported Laurent Nkunda's National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP).

"They were sending officers and soldiers into the Congo and providing  some logistical support," said Jason Stearn, one of the experts who wrote the UN report. 

"It was mostly [giving] uniforms and allowing the CNDP to use Rwanda as a rear base, allowing CNDP to cross through Rwandan territory to conduct operations" and let the rebels attack the DRC army (FARDC) from its rear, Stearn told RFI.

Stearn said that the CNDP rebels conducted fundraising meetings on Rwandan soil. This does not show active complicity from the Rwandan government, said Stearn. "But... the CNDP uses Rwandan banks, uses Rwandan telephone networks, and they do rallying, fundraising, and meet diplomats in Rwanda," he said.

"And we know the Rwandan government has been informed of this. We know they could shut this rear base down if they wanted to," he added.

The investigators found that the CNDP is partially funded through Laurent Nkunda's wife's bank account. "This is a bank account that's located in Gisenyi and it was used by Congolese opposition politician Katebe Katoto to send money to Nkunda's movement," said Stearn.

Although this is not related directly to the Rwandan government, the UN has sent this information to Kigali and are waiting for their reply.

"It's clear that the kind of collaboration that everyone has told us about was so systematic and substantial that it would be very difficult for this to be done without the knowledge of the Rwandan government... including the president," said Stearn. "I would be very surprised if he didn't know this," he added.

The probe also looked into the Congolese army collaboration with the Hutu rebels of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). The group focused on two battalions and the 81st Brigade of the Congolese army, led by Colonel Philémon Yav.

"Again we received very convincing testimonies from eyewitnesses, former combatants from the FDLR... and from people" in the area, said Stearn. Yav is especially close to Kinshasa, due to his close family connections and the previous position he held in the army.

"According to our  dozen eyewitnesses [...] he was personally involved in weapons transfers, and handing weapons and ammunition to the FDLR and [the pro-government Congolese militia] PARECO," said Stearn.

Investigators again went into the field and interviewed high-ranking Congolese officers and eyewitnesses, including villagers in Rubaye. "They confirmed that during an attack in September on Rubaye by the Congolese army against the CNDP, they entered into town with PARECO and stayed for three days with PARECO, again confirming collaboration with that militia," he said.

The numerous accounts made it clear to investigators "that Kinsasa was aware of this," said Stearn, adding that the Congolese intelligence service knew about this interaction, was not happy about it and reported it to higher-ups.

"But no action was ever taken," Stearn said.

"It's clear the hierarchy knows about this, are aware of it, and have done nothing to sanction the individuals responsible for the collaboration," he said.

The FDLR is in very regular contact with high-ranking members of the Congolese army, including commanders in North and South Kivu and "of  the military regions where there are no FDLR present" including the West of the country, said Stearn, noting that this reveals "an extensive information share."